... far-left Bush bashing - even though the novel under review had nothing to do with the current political situation. Thank goodness The New York Sun provides real cultural coverage, instead of agenda-driven politically correct cant.
Author: Harry Stein
Publisher: Encounter Books
Category: Political Science
With biting wit and amusing personal anecdotes, Harry Stein’s I Can’t Believe I’m Sitting Next to a Republican chronicles the everyday travails and triumphs of the plucky conservatives marooned in the liberal bastions that loathe them, from Manhattan to Hollywood, to all the noxious places in between. Surrounded by the insufferably smug and self righteous -- from the angry old lady with the anti-war sign affixed to her walker to the random jerk at a dinner party quoting George Soros – these intrepid souls live in a hostile world; knowing that anytime a neighbor chances to learn their views on affirmative action, big government, feminism, the environment, abortion, multi-culturalism, sex education, the reliability of The New York Times, the scariness of evangelicals or (fill in the blank), his/her face will register stunned surprise and deep confusion. Or worse. Stein gives special attention to those conservatives working in professions dominated by the liberal elite—journalism, publishing, entertainment, and academia—celebrating their guts and sharing in their disdain for the dogmatism of the self-appointed creative and intellectual class. The result is a conservative’s guide to love, work, friendship, dinner party mischief, and staying happy and un-smeared in liberal America.
Molly Ball, October 9, 2013, “The Koch's Can't Control the Monster They Created,” Atlantic, https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2013/10/the-kochs -cant - control - the - monster - they - created/ 280435/. 18. Interview with ...
Author: Rachel M. Blum
Publisher: University of Chicago Press
Category: Political Science
The rise of the Tea Party redefined both the Republican Party and how we think about intraparty conflict. What initially appeared to be an anti-Obama protest movement of fiscal conservatives matured into a faction that sought to increase its influence in the Republican Party by any means necessary. Tea Partiers captured the party’s organizational machinery and used it to replace established politicians with Tea Party–style Republicans, eventually laying the groundwork for the nomination and election of a candidate like Donald Trump. In How the Tea Party Captured the GOP, Rachel Marie Blum approaches the Tea Party from the angle of party politics, explaining the Tea Party’s insurgent strategies as those of a party faction. Blum offers a novel theory of factions as miniature parties within parties, discussing how fringe groups can use factions to increase their political influence in the US two-party system. In this richly researched book, the author uncovers how the electoral losses of 2008 sparked disgruntled Republicans to form the Tea Party faction, and the strategies the Tea Party used to wage a systematic takeover of the Republican Party. This book not only illuminates how the Tea Party achieved its influence, but also provides a framework for identifying other factional insurgencies.
... with only 2 Candidates it appears that Trump has been Trumped (Dumped)? However; the words that were exchanged between Donald Trump and a host of other Republicans were more interesting than any debate. I cant believe that Trump and ...
Author: Jack L. Brooks Jr.
Publisher: Xlibris Corporation
Where are The Got-Damn Jobs? Man, I dont know? Lets ask The Republicans, they are the guys Blocking, The Presidents Jobs Bill for The American People! Did you know that they are The Party of and or for The Rich & Wealthy, For Real, Yeah man, its just like The King of Pop said, whats that Brother? All I wanna say is that they dont really care about us! Yeah, okay, dig it, I can dig it. Hes right, they do not care! You know, whats that Black Man? I really can use A Job for real man, I got to find a Way to pay these Damn Bills, you know? Yeah, stay up Man, take care, alright, you too Bro, Stay cool! By the way Man, hows your Family? You know, everyone is cool, I just need a Job, Man. Why dont those guys just let that Brother do his damn Job and leave him alone? I know, right? Thats how they are, they are afraid of The Truth you know, they dont want to make any Changes, they just want to continue The Game you know! Its like Monopoly Man, they want to control Everything, they live on Park Avenue, they own the Rail Roads and all the Homes that went into Foreclosure, people lost their Jobs, Hell they even got a get out jail free card because none of those guys ever get arrested, do they, never, and then they blame it all on the government, saying that theres too much government? Arent they The Crooks in the government, yeah, okay then, there you go? Yeah Man that Greed is all due to Corruption, yeah man. Those people are truly Selfish! People all over America are Starving man, yeah I know. It could be worst you know, whats that? If Bush was still in office, yeah youre right. Man dont you know that they are trying to Suppress our Voting Rights, yeah I heard about that, thats deep man, yeah I know dawg, alright man stay up Brother, ah-ight Peace! December 13th 2011Jack L. Brooks Jr.
I trust in God that our relief draweth near. ... we believe 5 republican members in Congress— The Conduct of their Electors doubtfull—I cant believe they will vote for Pinkney—If they do Mr. Adams has lost all InBuence—Our Condition I ...
Author: Thomas Jefferson
Publisher: Princeton University Press
"I have sometimes asked myself whether my country is the better for my having lived at all?" Jefferson muses in this volume. His answer: "I do not know that it is." Required by custom to be "entirely passive" during the presidential campaign, Jefferson, at Monticello during the summer of 1800, refrains from answering attacks on his character, responds privately to Benjamin Rush's queries about religion, and learns of rumors of his own death. Yet he is in good health, harvests a bountiful wheat crop, and maintains his belief that the American people will shake off the Federalist thrall. He counsels James Monroe, the governor of Virginia, on the mixture of leniency and firmness to be shown in the wake of the aborted revolt of slaves led by the blacksmith Gabriel. Arriving in Washington in November, Jefferson reports that the election "is the only thing of which any thing is said here." He is aware of Alexander Hamilton's efforts to undermine John Adams, and of desires by some Federalists to give interim executive powers to a president pro tem of the Senate. But the Republicans have made no provision to prevent the tie of electoral votes between Jefferson and Aaron Burr. Jefferson calls Burr's conduct "honorable & decisive" before prospects of intrigue arise as the nation awaits the decision of the House of Representatives. As the volume closes, the election is still unresolved after six long days of balloting by the House.
"obama is communist & muslim he hates America and wants 2 take away my right to love my Country. i cant believe there r people who think communism socialism and nazism will work they dont know history. they sound good until u run out of ...
Act market pay with respect to their would do is to allow the Senate to premiums . move forward with a bipartisan energy ... That is when Tester , Debbie Stabenow , Maria Cant aster for Republicans on the Energy Ranking Member COLLINS ...
cant raised by the fanatical part of the community , who are ever ready to dart their malicious talons upon the ... their indefatigable exertions to uproot tyranny of every kind : -may their honourable conduct meet with a due reward .
I think it cannot be doubled , but civil institutions , may be more capable of securing to man , all the ... I think they are not as " feathers floating on the surface , ” compared with the “ greater evils " of continuing our species .
and the race–no platform conditions respectively, these differences were not statistically signi‹cant. ... of the convention descriptions, perceptions of the Republican Party's image with respect to race also remained unchanged.
Author: Tasha Philpot
Publisher: University of Michigan Press
Category: Political Science
Whether their slogan is “compassionate conservatism” or “hawkish liberalism,” political parties have always sought to expand their electoral coalitions by making minor adjustments to their public image. How do voters respond to these, often short-term, campaign appeals? Race, Republicans, and the Return of the Party of Lincoln is Tasha Philpot’s insightful study of how parties use racial images to shape and reshape the way citizens perceive them. “Philpot has produced a timely, provocative, and nuanced analysis of political party image change, using the Republican Party’s attempts to recast itself as a party sensitive to issues of race with its 2000, and later 2004, national conventions as case examples. Using a mixture of experiments, focus groups, national surveys, and analyses of major national and black newspaper articles, Philpot finds that if race-related issues are important to individuals, such as blacks, the ability of the party to change its image without changing its political positions is far more difficult than it is among individuals who do not consider race-related issues important, e.g., whites. This book makes a major contribution to our understanding of party image in general, and political parties’ use of race in particular. Bravo!” —Paula D. McClain, Duke University “This book does an excellent job of illuminating the linkages between racial images and partisan support. By highlighting Republican efforts to ‘play against type’ Philpot emphasizes the limits of successfully altering partisan images. That she accomplishes this in the controversial, yet salient, domain of race is no small feat. In short, by focusing on a topical issue, and by adopting a novel theoretical approach, Philpot is poised to make a significant contribution to the literatures on race and party images.” —Vincent Hutchings, University of Michigan Tasha S. Philpot is Assistant Professor of Government and African and African American Studies at the University of Texas at Austin.
Yet most Democratic ticket , the Progressives supported me and Colonel Republican editors profess to believe that the ... and the New York Evening Progressives , men and women , who , with tear - dimmed eyes , sang ' Onward , Christian ...
Yet most Democratic ticket , the Progressives supported me and Colonel Republican editors profess to believe that the ... of for Wilson will be almost negligible , and the New York Evening Progressives , men and women , who , with tear ...
Act market pay with respect to their would do is to allow the Senate to CLOTURE MOTION premiums . move forward with ... That is when Tester , Debbie Stabenow , Maria Cant- aster for Republicans on the Energy Ranking Member COLLINS said ...
The canvass has comments from the President are quoted , but Not on the choice of the Republican candidate , but many may be ... In think it will make Cleveland the Democratic the city limits it is very unpopular with all McKinley is ...
We do not believe that the cannot be classed with his best work . ... In and bastions of the ancient citadel , and bordered and well liked by many of the most notable figures 536 electoral divisions the Republicans returned their ...
I cant believe a person let alone a Senator would do something so ignorant ! th the liberation of Iraq VV raised about ... With Republican Guards away on their early summer holidays to Tikrit only snipers and peaceful residents awaited ...
I can not talk satisfactorily with the Democrat who thinks that every Republican is necessarily bad and wrong about ... In conclusion , let me say just this : I believe that this Nation and its rights were worth fighting for .
“The New Videomalaise: Effects of Televised Incivility on Political Trust. ... New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/01/opinion/campaign-stops/why-cant-thegop-stop-trump.html (accessed August 15, 2017). Norman, Jim. 2015.
Author: Bryan T. Gervais
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Category: Political Science
The shocking election of President Trump spawned myriad analyses and post-mortems, but they consistently underestimate the crucial role of the Tea Party on the GOP and Republican House members specifically. In Reactionary Republicanism, Bryan T. Gervais and Irwin L. Morris develop the most sophisticated analysis to date for gauging the Tea Party's impact upon the U.S. House of Representatives. They employ multiple types of data to illustrate the multi-dimensional impact of the Tea Party movement on members of Congress. Contrary to conventional wisdom, they find that Republicans associated with the Tea Party movement were neither a small minority of the Republican conference nor intransigent backbenchers. Most importantly, the invigoration of racial hostility and social conservatism among Tea Party supporters fostered the growth of reactionary Republicanism. Tea Party legislators, in turn, endeavored to aggravate these feelings of resentment via digital home styles that incorporated uncivil and aversion-inducing rhetoric. Trump fed off of this during his run, and his symbiotic relationship with Tea Party regulars has guided-and seems destined to-the trajectory of his administration.
The thousands of Progressives , men and women , who , with tear - dimmed eyes , sang ' Onward , Christian Soldiers ! ... Yet most Republican editors profess to believe that the Progressive vote for Wilson will be almost negligible ...
As the who[le] thing was superseded by the subsequent action of the Republican members I did not think it worth while to write you ... I cant very well explain it publicly without involving some friends neither you nor I nor even Capt.
Author: Jeremiah E. Goulka
Publisher: Univ of North Carolina Press
Category: Biography & Autobiography
Best known as the hero of Little Round Top at Gettysburg and the commanding officer of the troops who accepted the Confederates' surrender at Appomattox, Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain (1828-1914) has become one of the most famous and most studied figures of Civil War history. After the war, he went on to serve as governor of Maine and president of Bowdoin College. The first collection of his postwar letters, this book offers important insights for understanding Chamberlain's later years and his place in chronicling the war. The letters included here reveal Chamberlain's perspective on military events at Gettysburg, Five Forks, and Appomattox, and on the planning of ceremonies to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of Gettysburg. As Jeremiah Goulka points out in his introduction, the letters also shed light on Chamberlain's views on politics, race relations, and education, and they expose some of the personal difficulties he faced late in life. On a broader scale, Chamberlain's correspondence contributes to a better understanding of the influence of Civil War veterans on American life and the impact of the war on veterans themselves. It also says much about state and national politics (including the politics of pensions), family roles and relationships, and ideas of masculinity in Victorian America.
Case listened and then summoned Senator James Glenn Beall of Maryland, who chaired the subcommittee with ... for next Thursday morning, with Talle's bill withdrawn, the group at the of¤ce, including Mitchell, couldn't believe it.
Author: David L. Stebenne
Publisher: Indiana University Press
"This book is an original, important, and interesting contribution to the literature on President Eisenhower and on American history in the years before and after World War II. It will make a difference in the way historians and political scientists think about a critical period of national history. Too few books have that sort of impact...." -- Michael A. McGerr, author of A Fierce Discontent: The Rise and Fall of the Progressive Movement in America, 1870--1920 Arthur Larson was the chief architect of moderate conservatism -- one of the most influential and least studied political forces in U.S. history. During the Eisenhower administration, Larson held three major posts: Under Secretary of Labor, Director of the United States Information Agency, and chief presidential speechwriter. In each of these roles, Larson's most important achievement was to explain clearly and cogently what the administration stood for on matters foreign and domestic. Larson's views were put forth most forcefully in A Republican Looks at His Party, published in 1956. Larson and his book provided the Eisenhower administration with "the vision thing." His limitations and disappointments also help explain Eisenhower-era conservatism. They illuminate the extent to which there was a gap between what the "Modern Republicans" believed and what they said and were able to accomplish, and why those beliefs, values, and achievements did not always mesh. Larson's ultimately unsuccessful efforts to prevent the rise of the New Right are especially enlightening, for they help to clarify why the party of Dwight Eisenhower in the 1950s gradually became the party of the more conservative Ronald Reagan by the 1980s. Modern Republican will enlighten readers who want to understand more fully the historical context of today's divisive political arena.