Those for whom patriotism has a positive valence generally credit the Puritans with laying the foundations of America (though they would more likely call them "Pilgrims," which has a nicer sound; the two terms are regularly conflated).
Author: George McKenna
Publisher: Yale University Press
In this absorbing book, George McKenna ranges across the entire panorama of American history to track the development of American patriotism. That patriotism—shaped by Reformation Protestantism and imbued with the American Puritan belief in a providential “errand”—has evolved over 350 years and influenced American political culture in both positive and negative ways, McKenna shows. The germ of the patriotism, an activist theology that stressed collective rather than individual salvation, began in the late 1630s in New England and traveled across the continent, eventually becoming a national phenomenon. Today, American patriotism still reflects its origins in the seventeenth century. By encouraging cohesion in a nation of diverse peoples and inspiring social reform, American patriotism has sometimes been a force for good. But the book also uncovers a darker side of the nation’s patriotism—a prejudice against the South in the nineteenth century, for example, and a tendency toward nativism and anti-Catholicism. Ironically, a great reversal has occurred, and today the most fervent believers in the Puritan narrative are the former “outsiders”—Catholics and Southerners. McKenna offers an interesting new perspective on patriotism’s role throughout American history, and he concludes with trenchant thoughts on its role in the post-9/11 era.
The United States Film Industry in World War I Leslie Midkiff DeBauche. 0 _ _ _ ~*~ PRACTICAL PATRIOTISM: THE UNITED STATES FILM INDUSTRY IN wORLD wAR.
Author: Leslie Midkiff DeBauche
Category: Motion picture industry
"This dissertation will address three broad questions about the functioning of ... [the film] industry from April 6, 1917 through November 11, 1918. First, how did the film industry, including its production, distribution, and exhibition branches, conduct its business during World War I? Second, what accounts for these business practices? Third, what were the economic ramifications of the film industry's behavior? To answer these questions, I will examine the actions of individuals, of the production, distribution and exhibition branches of the film industry, and of the dominant trade association at that time, the National Association of the Motion Picture Industry"--Page 3-4.
The lag which is characteristic of the advance of critical insight into social relationships in contrast with the applications of science to technology is very evident in the prevailing views on patriotism. The absence of understanding ...
... Christ fathers and mothers will begrudge their children to Him who is the King of kings and Lord of lords 2 * * It cannot be repeated too often that it is only as subservient to a higher Patriotism that all earthly patriotisms tend ...
Since the American and French Revolutions, the nation-state has come to be considered the normal form of political organization. National self-determination was a key to the programs of the liberals who campaigned for constitutional government in the first half of the nineteenth century. Statesmen and political philosophers of the previous century championed the idea that a Europe constituted by sovereign nation-states was to become a nucleus of world peace. In 1945 the United Nations was established upon these principles. By and large, we still act upon them in international affairs. However, the older position which associated the national idea with a liberal political system based upon self-determination was gradually pushed into the background. Instead, almost from the start the various national groups tried to extend their sphere of control, and the boundaries of their nation-state, as far as possible; the liberal principle of respecting the legitimate interests of other ethnicities or national groups, fell into disregard. The popular enthusiasm for national self-determination was not so much concerned with the desire to create the essential political conditions for a free and unhindered enfolding of one's own national culture, but rather with the desire to be part of a strong national state capable of imposing the national will, if need be, upon other peoples. It was the hope of many that, since 1945, a metamorphosis of the nation-state was underway, with a return to a more modest, democratic notion of nation and nationality which has nothing in common with the aggressive varieties of the previous decades. Indeed, the export of the Western democratic notion of the nation-state was long considered an essential to modernization which Western social scientists and politicians recommended to the peoples in the Third World. Today many doubt whether the Western idea of nationality by the non-Western world was well-suited to the politics of these regions of the world; in many cases the older multinational politics might have done much better. Certainly, the new non-Western nations were not spared any of the distortions of nationalism. The reemergence of national conflicts in many parts of the world indicates that nationalism has not lost any of its explosive power, and in some regions, notably in the territories of the former USSR or in the Balkans, it flared up again with unabated vigor. The bloody civil war in Yugoslavia and the splitting-up of Czechoslovakia into two national units are examples of the present trend which points to a fragmentation of large parts of Eastern Europe along national lines, with most undesirable consequences. These developments may threaten the fabric of Western liberal societies, if they continue unabated. This book examines the relationship of nationalism and liberalism in the modern world. Sometimes nationalism assists the growth of liberal democracy and sometimes it is a most potent foe. This struggle is one of the significant features of modern political life. Wolfgang J. Mommsen, one of the leading scholars on the subject of nationalism, was the force behind the treatment of nationalism in this book. Contributors were carefully selected by Professor Mommsen, Edward Shils, and Roger Michener. Included are: John Breuilly, whose Nationalism and the State is in its second edition; Steven Grosby, who examines the creation of the United States, Peter Alter, who discusses modern German history; and Eugene Kamenka, who looks at Australia. In the analysis beyond Western culture, Ian Nish shows how national unity contributed to creating a modern liberal state in Japan. Serif Mardin discusses how nationalism contributed to constitutional movements in the emergence of modern Turkey from the Ottoman Empire; Andrzej Ajnenkiel emphasizes the importance of nationalism in fostering the re-growth of liberal institutions in Poland after communism; and Megnad Desai explains the challenge of establishing liberal democracy in multi-ethnic India. This book should be of value to anyone seeking to understand problems of nationalism, patriotism and nationality in the modern world.
The six chapters in this book deal with variations on the general theme of patriotism. The author suggests that the war in Vietnam "has brought patriotism to trial" not only for Americans but nationals of all countries. The book's recurrent theme is that patriotism is a highly individual matter.
What has constituted "patriotism" in the history of America? How far has dissent gone in the history of our country? What parallels are there in the history of our military entanglements? Do the American people have more than one level of sensitivity? How far has conscience driven youth into heroic sacrifice or into flight?
It is easy today to underestimate or misunderstand the importance of providential thought to American patriotism. Only clerics now speak of Divine Providence as a theory of historical causation, and even they do so circumspectly.