Revolutionary Politics in the Long Parliament

Cromwell had not only been a successful military commander, but in the first five years of the Revolution had been a ... Appendix and Index 317 Appendix The information relating to the 314 Revolutionary Politics in the Long Parliament.

Revolutionary Politics in the Long Parliament

This volume is a systematic study of the politics of five crucial years of the Puritan Revolution, the period between John Pym's death in December 1643 and the execution of Charles I in January 1649. MacCormack provides a fresh and coherent interpretation of the events chronicled in the first volume of S. R. Gardiner's monumental History of the Great Civil War, a work long known to be inadequate. Through an exhaustive compilation of the activities of individual members, MacCormack examines the Long Parliament and the structures of its parties. He investigates the degree to which the division between parties was religious or political, the character of the leadership of the two major groups (moderates and radicals), and the transformation of the parties during the five-year period. The author focuses on the way in which the Parliamentary radical group led by Oliver St. John, Sir Henry Vane, Jr., and Oliver Cromwell gradually retreated from their revolutionary stance of 1644 in the face of the genuine populism of the Levellers. He contends that their failure to retain the moral leadership of the revolution led to the fragmentation of parties in 1648 and to the eventual dictatorship of Oliver Cromwell. The book includes fresh interpretations of the role of Oliver Cromwell, especially in 1647 and 1648 when he emerged as the central figure. Significant material is also presented on John Lilburne. In analyzing the transformations of the radical party, the author places Lilburne's party, the Levellers, in the political context of the Revolution.

Revolutionary Politics and the Cuban Working Class

These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions.

Revolutionary Politics and the Cuban Working Class

In 1962, the author got into Cuba and interviewed workers on the subject of the Revolution. Professor Zeitlin examines the effects of the revolution, and the influence of such factors as age, race, and skill on the workers' attitudes. Originally published in 1967. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Politics Culture and Class in the French Revolution

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Politics  Culture  and Class in the French Revolution

A landmark work of French Revolution scholarship, now in its 20th anniversary edition.

Writing Revolution in South Asia

This comprehensive volume examines the relationship between revolutionary politics and the act of writing in modern South Asia.

Writing Revolution in South Asia

This comprehensive volume examines the relationship between revolutionary politics and the act of writing in modern South Asia. Its pages feature a diverse cast of characters: rebel poets and anxious legislators, party theoreticians and industrious archivists, nostalgic novelists, enterprising journalists and more. The authors interrogate the multiple forms and effects of revolutionary storytelling in politics and public life, questioning the easy distinction between ‘words’ and ‘deeds’ and considering the distinct consequences of writing itself. While acknowledging that the promise, fervour or threat of revolution is never reducible to the written word, this collection explores how manifestos, lyrics, legal documents, hagiographies and other constellations of words and sentences articulate, contest and enact revolutionary political practice in both colonial and post-colonial South Asia. Emphasising the potential of writing to incite, contain or reorient the present, this volume promises to provoke new conversations at the intersection of historiography, politics and literature in South Asia, urging scholars and activists to interrogate their own storytelling practices and the relationship of the contemporary moment to violent and contested pasts. This book was originally published as a special issue of South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies.

Democracy and Revolutionary Politics

revolutionary. politics. To address the question asked in the first chapter on the relation between democracy and violence, we can now reiterate that democracy and revolutionary violence occupy the same political space.

Democracy and Revolutionary Politics

This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. Democracy and political violence can hardly be considered conceptual siblings, at least at first sight. Democracy allows people to route their aspirations, demands, and expectations of the state through peaceful methods; violence works outside these prescribed and institutionalized channels in public spaces, in the streets, in the forests and in inhospitable terrains. But can committed democrats afford to ignore the fact that violence has become a routine way of doing politics in countries such as India? By exploring the concept of political violence from the perspective of critical political theory, Neera Chandhoke investigates its nature, justification and contradictions. She uses the case study of Maoist revolutionaries in India to globalize and relocate the debate alongside questions of social injustice, exploitation, oppression and imperfect democracies. As such, this is an important and much-needed contribution to the dialogue surrounding revolutionary violence.

Post revolutionary Politics in Iran

The Epilogue, which should be read as an integral part of the discussion, updates the discussion to cover the Majlis elections in early 2000 and the politics of the aftermath of the elections, thus extending the study until the summer ...

Post revolutionary Politics in Iran

After the Islamic revolution in Iran, revolutionary leaders had to compromise their ideology. The Iranian ship of state continues to drift in search of an equilibrium between revolutionary convictions and the demands of governance, between religion and state, and Islam and the West.

Lamennais A Believer s Revolutionary Politics

Lamennais wrote when men had not yet driven God from the city, and his thought mustbeunderstoodasoneof themanifestationsof thecomplexprocessof the secularization of politics. Between the Revolution and the 1860s, politics was not ...

Lamennais  A Believer s Revolutionary Politics

English translations of the most influential and debated writings of Félicité de Lamennais, a controversial French priest, the founder of Liberal Catholicism, who left the Church after his ideas were condemned by Rome.

Provincial Magistrates and Revolutionary Politics in France 1789 1795

The leadership Lefebvre attributed to the officeholders was intellectual , not political in a revolutionary sense ; whereas Cobban asserted that they became an important part of a new governing class but said nothing about their ...

Provincial Magistrates and Revolutionary Politics in France  1789 1795

Dawson contributes research findings to the historical controversy over the political motives and conduct of the upper bourgeoisie during the French Revolution, treating magistrates' activities as members of corporate groups before 1790 and following many of them as individuals through the revolutionary years to 1795.

From Parnell to Paisley

This is a guide to over 100 years of Irish history.

From Parnell to Paisley

This is a guide to over 100 years of Irish history. It is a sustained analysis of its constitutional and revolutionary politics and contributes to our understanding of the causes and consequences of constitutional and revolutionary politics there.

Choosing Terror

Choosing Terror: Virtue, Friendship and Authenticity in the French Revolution examines the leaders of the French Revolution - Robespierre and his fellow Jacobins - and particularly the gradual process whereby many of them came to 'choose ...

Choosing Terror

Choosing Terror: Virtue, Friendship and Authenticity in the French Revolution examines the leaders of the French Revolution - Robespierre and his fellow Jacobins - and particularly the gradual process whereby many of them came to 'choose terror'. These men led the Jacobin Club between 1789 and 1794, and were attempting to establish new democratic politics in France. Exploring revolutionary politics through the eyes of these leaders, and against a political backdrop of a series of traumatic events, wars, and betrayals, Marisa Linton portrays the Jacobins as complex human beings who were influenced by emotions and personal loyalties, as well as by their revolutionary ideology. The Jacobin leaders' entire political careers were constrained by their need to be seen by their supporters as 'men of virtue', free from corruption and ambition, and concerned only with the public good. In the early stages of the Revolution, being seen as 'men of virtue' empowered the Jacobin leaders, and aided them in their efforts to forge their political careers. However, with the onset of war, there was a growing conviction that political leaders who feigned virtue were 'the enemy within', secretly conspiring with France's external enemies. By Year Two, the year of the Terror, the Jacobin identity had become a destructive force: in order to demonstrate their own authenticity, they had to be seen to act virtuously, and be prepared, if the public good demanded it, to denounce and destroy their friends, and even to sacrifice their own lives. This desperate thinking resulted in the politicians' terror, one of the most ruthless of all forms of terror during the Revolution. Choosing Terror seeks neither to cast blame, nor to exonerate, but to understand the process whereby such things can happen.

Nietzsche and the Critique of Revolution

The work combines genealogical and historical investigation with analysis of Nietzsche’s life-long philosophical and ideological struggle against the forces of modernity, as embodied by feminism, socialism, nationalism, and democratic ...

Nietzsche and the Critique of Revolution

Revisiting over fifty years of post-structuralist, post-modernist, and Existentialist readings of Nietzsche, this study offers an incisive, scholarly deconstruction and critique of apolitical and individualist readings and interpretations of Nietzsche’s philosophical corpus. Specifically, it views the German thinker as partaking of a larger intellectual tradition: the 19th century Western European reactionary, conservative, and counter-revolutionary tradition. The work combines genealogical and historical investigation with analysis of Nietzsche’s life-long philosophical and ideological struggle against the forces of modernity, as embodied by feminism, socialism, nationalism, and democratic liberalism, beginning with his implicit critique of the Paris Commune in his first work, The Birth of Tragedy, all the way to his scathing critiques of progress and socialism in his last works, and his incipient formulation of a new, anti-revolutionary politics. A synthesis and development of the few scholars of the past decade who have also seen Nietzsche as a conservative and deeply political thinker, is also provided here, whilst the book simultaneously argues for the revolutionary and anti-Eurocentric implications of the German thinker’s critique of historicism and of inevitable historical progress. It is an excellent resource for both scholars and lay readers alike who want to learn something new about Nietzsche, and who are also critical of the apolitical conception of the great thinker that has prevailed in academia since the Second World War.

Disorderly Women

Reconstructing the history of this change, Susan Juster shows how a common view of masculinity and femininity shaped both radical religion and revolutionary politics in America.

Disorderly Women

Throughout most of the eighteenth century and particularly during the religious revivals of the Great Awakening, evangelical women in colonial New England participated vigorously in major church decisions, from electing pastors to disciplining backsliding members. After the Revolutionary War, however, women were excluded from political life, not only in their churches but in the new republic as well. Reconstructing the history of this change, Susan Juster shows how a common view of masculinity and femininity shaped both radical religion and revolutionary politics in America. Juster compares contemporary accounts of Baptist women and men who voice their conversion experiences, theological opinions, and proccupation with personal conflicts and pastoral controversies. At times, the ardent revivalist message of spiritual individualism appeared to sanction sexual anarchy. According to one contemporary, revival attempted "to make all things common, wives as well as goods." The place of women at the center of evangelical life in the mid-eighteenth century, Juster finds, reflected the extent to which evangelical religion itself was perceived as "feminine"—emotional, sensional, and ultimately marginal. In the 1760s, the Baptist order began to refashion its mission, and what had once been a community of saints—often indifferent to conventional moral or legal constraints—was transformed into a society of churchgoers with a concern for legitimacy. As the church was reconceptualized as a "household" ruled by "father" figures, "feminine" qualities came to define the very essence of sin. Juster observes that an image of benevolent patriarchy threatened by the specter of female power was a central motif of the wider political culture during the age of democratic revolutions.

Understanding Comparative Politics

Mehran Kamrava examines current and past approaches to the study of comparative politics and proposes a new framework for analysis through a comparative examination of state and social institutions.

Understanding Comparative Politics

Comparative politics has undergone significant theoretical changes in recent decades. Particularly since the 1980s, a new generation of scholars have revamped and rejuvinated the study of the subject. Mehran Kamrava examines current and past approaches to the study of comparative politics and proposes a new framework for analysis. This is achieved through a comparative examination of state and social institutions, the interactions that occur between them, and the poltical cultures within which they operate. The book also offers a concise and detailed synthesis of existing comparative frameworks that, up to now at least, have encountered analytical shortcomings on their own. Although analytically different in its arguments and emphasis from the current "Mainstream" genre of literature on comparative politics, the present study is a logical outgrowth of the scholarly works of the last decade or so. It will be essential reading for all students of comparative politics.

Most Scandalous Woman

In charting the complex trajectory of Portal’s life and career, Most Scandalous Woman reveals what moves people to become revolutionaries, and the gendered limitations of their revolutionary alliances, in an engrossing narrative that ...

Most Scandalous Woman

In 1926 a young Peruvian woman picked up a gun, wrested her infant daughter from her husband, and liberated herself from the constraints of a patriarchal society. Magda Portal, a poet and journalist, would become one of Latin America’s most successful and controversial politicians. In this richly nuanced portrayal of Portal, historian Myrna Ivonne Wallace Fuentes chronicles the dramatic rise and fall of this prominent twentieth-century revolutionary within the broader history of leftist movements, gender politics, and literary modernism in Latin America. An early member of bohemian circles in Lima, La Paz, and Mexico City, Portal distinguished herself as the sole female founder of the American Popular Revolutionary Alliance (APRA). A leftist but non-Communist movement, APRA would dominate Peru’s politics for five decades. Through close analysis of primary sources, including Portal’s own poetry, correspondence, and other writings, Most Scandalous Woman illuminates Portal’s pivotal work in creating and leading APRA during its first twenty years, as well as her efforts to mobilize women as active participants in political and social change. Despite her successes, Portal broke with APRA in 1950 under bitter circumstances. Wallace Fuentes analyzes how sexism in politics interfered with Portal’s political ambitions, explores her relationships with family members and male peers, and discusses the ramifications of her scandalous love life. In charting the complex trajectory of Portal’s life and career, Most Scandalous Woman reveals what moves people to become revolutionaries, and the gendered limitations of their revolutionary alliances, in an engrossing narrative that brings to life Latin American revolutionary politics.

Politics Culture and Class in the French Revolution

Revolution; that political culture provided the logic of revolutionary political action. Most scholars who now emphasize "politics" in the French Revolution do so from an anti-Marxist point of view. In an influential article on ...

Politics  Culture  and Class in the French Revolution


Revolution and Reform in Russia and Iran

This book is a significant contribution to both historical and contemporary debates concerning Russian and Iranian politics, and to the discourse on the origins and consequences of modernisation and revolution themselves.

Revolution and Reform in Russia and Iran

The Russian Revolutions of 1917 and the Iranian Revolution of 1979 are two examples of dramatic, sudden and extraordinary political upheaval that significantly altered the nature of the state and society in the modern age. Here, Ghoncheh Tazmini provides an unprecedented comparative study of these two major revolutions of the twentieth century, which although removed from each other both spatially and temporally, have striking similarities. Examining the roots, events and impact of these two defining upheavals, Tazmini analyses how they resemble each other, stressing the continuity of the dilemma of modernisation for the Romanov, Pahlavi, Communist and Islamist rulers alike. This book is a significant contribution to both historical and contemporary debates concerning Russian and Iranian politics, and to the discourse on the origins and consequences of modernisation and revolution themselves.