The Logic of Violence in Civil War

By analytically decoupling war and violence, this book explores the causes and dynamics of violence in civil war.

The Logic of Violence in Civil War

By analytically decoupling war and violence, this book explores the causes and dynamics of violence in civil war. Against the prevailing view that such violence is an instance of impenetrable madness, the book demonstrates that there is logic to it and that it has much less to do with collective emotions, ideologies, and cultures than currently believed. Kalyvas specifies a novel theory of selective violence: it is jointly produced by political actors seeking information and individual civilians trying to avoid the worst but also grabbing what opportunities their predicament affords them. Violence, he finds, is never a simple reflection of the optimal strategy of its users; its profoundly interactive character defeats simple maximization logics while producing surprising outcomes, such as relative nonviolence in the 'frontlines' of civil war.

The Logic of Violence

The text is the result of the first ethnographic study of an illegal drug market in Dublin. This book will appeal to undergraduate and postgraduate students, as well as scholars interested in the criminology and psychology of violence.

The Logic of Violence

Violence is widely associated with illegal drug markets, and is one of the features that can differentiate illegal capitalism from legitimate business. This book explores the perceived causes and functions of violence in an illegal drug market in Dublin City, Ireland. Understanding why violence occurs amongst participants in illegal drug markets is an ongoing part of the criminological endeavour. Scholars debate the various business and personal factors that contribute towards violent perpetration. Complex aspects of participants' lives, such as addictive disorders, socioeconomic status, and socialisation, add further complexity. This book examines violence in an illegal drug market from the perspectives of those who had participated in it, that is, formerly addicted people as well as former profit-oriented drug dealers. The text is the result of the first ethnographic study of an illegal drug market in Dublin. This book will appeal to undergraduate and postgraduate students, as well as scholars interested in the criminology and psychology of violence. More specifically, the book will be relevant to those interested in the areas of illegal drug markets, gang studies, the intersection of drugs and crime, and desistance from crime. aduate students, as well as scholars interested in the criminology and psychology of violence. More specifically, the book will be relevant to those interested in the areas of illegal drug markets, gang studies, the intersection of drugs and crime, and desistance from crime.

The Logic of Violence

The chosen examples will deal with the ambivalence of legal control and discursive power in their capacity as supportive features to instigate violence. This essay will conclude on contemplations which elude from a smooth narrative.

The Logic of Violence

Essay from the year 2012 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: Public International Law and Human Rights, grade: 74 %, Hull University Business School (Law School), course: Human Rights Violations, language: English, comment: "An intellectually ambitious approach to the question drawing on a wide range of appropriate reading. Well referenced.," abstract: QUESTION: Although the use of violence by and against states displays many features that are specific to particular cultures and situations, there is an underlying 'logic of violence' that takes a remarkably similar form in a multitude of different contexts. ABSTRACT: For the question at hand - a very complex question - it seems of paramount importance to disentangle its individual components before discovering its coherences. (...) I shall proceed as follows: First, I will present my understanding of logic - the underlying current giving this paper its direction and drive. Still in the first part, I shall introduce and define various forms of large-scale violence to be kept inside the epistemological frame of this essay. Secondly, this paper will elaborate on 'the doer behind the deed'. I shall introduce the philosophical traditions and formal features of contemporary states, laying the ground for the contemplation of violence by and against states, government-sponsored and stateperpetrated crime. Furthermore, to shed light on the ramifications of violence between the so called First and Third World and in order to provide a link between the general and the specific, this paper would expose the international involvement in criminal structures and violent agency. Drawing on the recurrent narratives and forms of violence discussed in the first two parts, the third section will deepen the dynamics of structures and resources that resurface in various contexts of large scale violence. The chosen examples will deal with the ambivalence of legal control and discursive power in their capacity as su

Show Time

In Show Time, Lee Ann Fujii asks why some perpetrators of political violence, from lynch mobs to genocidal killers, display their acts of violence so publicly and extravagantly.

Show Time

In Show Time, Lee Ann Fujii asks why some perpetrators of political violence, from lynch mobs to genocidal killers, display their acts of violence so publicly and extravagantly. Closely examining three horrific and extreme episodes—the murder of a prominent Tutsi family amidst the genocide in Rwanda, the execution of Muslim men in a Serb-controlled village in Bosnia during the Balkan Wars, and the lynching of a twenty-two-year old Black farmhand on Maryland's Eastern Shore in 1933—Fujii shows how "violent displays" are staged to not merely to kill those perceived to be enemies or threats, but also to affect and influence observers, neighbors, and the larger society. Watching and participating in these violent displays profoundly transforms those involved, reinforcing political identities, social hierarchies, and power structures. Such public spectacles of violence also force members of the community to choose sides—openly show support for the goals of the violence, or risk becoming victims, themselves. Tracing the ways in which public displays of violence unfold, Show Time reveals how the perpetrators exploit the fluidity of social ties for their own ends.

The Logic of Violence Between War and Peace

The new hypotheses generated during the study answer the following research question: How can we deal with the logic of violence between war and peace, which either leads the warring factions to a state of stable peace or to a further ...

The Logic of Violence Between War and Peace

This study focuses on the escalation of collective violence in ongoing intra-state conflicts, which means that it is not an analysis of conflict onset, but rather a study of conflict duration. The results of the author's intensive field research into and case analysis of the Sri Lankan Civil War, instigated by the Tamil Tigers during the 1980s, demonstrate that both the causal mechanisms bound to the local and international legitimacy of the conflict and the political opportunities that arose directly from it can be used to explain the sudden escalation of political violence during the war. The new hypotheses generated during the study answer the following research question: How can we deal with the logic of violence between war and peace, which either leads the warring factions to a state of stable peace or to a further escalation of violence?

The Logic of Violence

In his study of violent men, Toch (1992: 13) emphasised the importance of understanding 'the meaning of violence for the person who has engaged in it'. When analysing data I was cognisant of Toch's advice and, in vivid accounts of ...

The Logic of Violence

Violence is widely associated with illegal drug markets, and is one of the features that can differentiate illegal capitalism from legitimate business. This book explores the perceived causes and functions of violence in an illegal drug market in Dublin City, Ireland. Understanding why violence occurs amongst participants in illegal drug markets is an ongoing part of the criminological endeavour. Scholars debate the various business and personal factors that contribute towards violent perpetration. Complex aspects of participants’ lives, such as addictive disorders, socioeconomic status, and socialisation, add further complexity. This book examines violence in an illegal drug market from the perspectives of those who had participated in it, that is, formerly addicted people as well as former profit-oriented drug dealers. The text is the result of the first ethnographic study of an illegal drug market in Dublin. This book will appeal to undergraduate and postgraduate students, as well as scholars interested in the criminology and psychology of violence. More specifically, the book will be relevant to those interested in the areas of illegal drug markets, gang studies, the intersection of drugs and crime, and desistance from crime.

The Logic of Violence

I shall proceed as follows: First, I will present my understanding of logic – the underlying current giving this paper its direction and drive. Still in the first part, I shall introduce and define various forms of large-scale violence ...

The Logic of Violence

Essay from the year 2012 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: Public International Law and Human Rights, grade: 74 %, University of Hull (Law School), course: Human Rights Violations, language: English, abstract: QUESTION: Although the use of violence by and against states displays many features that are specific to particular cultures and situations, there is an underlying ‘logic of violence’ that takes a remarkably similar form in a multitude of different contexts. ABSTRACT: For the question at hand – a very complex question – it seems of paramount importance to disentangle its individual components before discovering its coherences. (...) I shall proceed as follows: First, I will present my understanding of logic – the underlying current giving this paper its direction and drive. Still in the first part, I shall introduce and define various forms of large-scale violence to be kept inside the epistemological frame of this essay. Secondly, this paper will elaborate on ‘the doer behind the deed’. I shall introduce the philosophical traditions and formal features of contemporary states, laying the ground for the contemplation of violence by and against states, government-sponsored and stateperpetrated crime. Furthermore, to shed light on the ramifications of violence between the so called First and Third World and in order to provide a link between the general and the specific, this paper would expose the international involvement in criminal structures and violent agency. Drawing on the recurrent narratives and forms of violence discussed in the first two parts, the third section will deepen the dynamics of structures and resources that resurface in various contexts of large scale violence. The chosen examples will deal with the ambivalence of legal control and discursive power in their capacity as supportive features to instigate violence. This essay will conclude on contemplations which elude from a smooth narrative. In my conclusion I should summarize the main arguments and outline the implications resulting from the supposition of a logic of violence. The final part shall also provide an outlook to some of the many remaining challenges in the context of international human rights and supranational criminology and their pursuit to stop violence.

Violent Capital

Violent Capital


The Logic of Violence in Criminal War

Why do drug cartels fight states?

The Logic of Violence in Criminal War

Why do drug cartels fight states? Episodes of armed conflict between drug cartels and states in Colombia, Brazil and Mexico have demonstrated that c̀riminal wars' can be just as destructive as civil wars. Yet insurgents in civil wars stand a reasonable chance of winning formal concessions of territory or outright victory. Why fight the state if, like drug cartels, you seek neither to topple nor secede from it? Equally puzzling are the divergent effects of state crackdowns. Mexico's militarized crackdown in 2006 was intended to quickly break up the cartels and curtail incipient inter-cartel and anti-state violence; five years later, splintered cartels are an order of magnitude more violent, with over 16,000 homicides and 600 of attacks on army troops in 2011 alone. Conversely, in Rio de Janeiro, a massive November 2010 invasion by state forces of a key urban zone that had been under cartel dominion for a generation failed to produce the grisly bloodbath that even the government's defenders predicted. Instead, it heralded what appears to be a decisive shift by cartels away from confrontation. Why do some crackdowns lead to violent blowback, while others successfully curtail cartel-state conflict? The key to both puzzles lies in a fundamental difference between cartel-state conflict and civil war. Cartels turn to anti-state violence, not, as in civil war, in hopes of conquering mutually prized territory or resources, but to influence state policy. Like many interest groups, cartels expend resources to influence policy, usually acting at the level of policy enforcement, through corruption, but sometimes also at the level of policy formation, through lobbying. Yet licit interest groups are not targeted for destruction by the state, and generally possess no means of physical coercion. Cartels always face some level of state repression, but fighting back usually provokes even greater repression. Often, this leads them to h̀ide' rather than f̀ight', using anonymity and bribes to minimize confrontation; under certain conditions, though, violence may seem the best pathway to policy influence. The decision to turn to violent forms of policy influence is thus highly sensitive to what the state is doing; shifts in state policy, especially crackdowns, can trigger sharp variation in cartel-state conflict. This study first distinguishes the logics of violent corruption and violent lobbying, as well as dynamics deriving from turf war among cartels, then identifies the conditions that make each logic operative. Violent corruption--epitomized by drug lord Pablo Escobar's infamous phrase "plata o plomo?" (bribe or bullet?)--is central; it occurs, in all three cases, prior to and with greater consistency than violent lobbying or other mechanisms. States face a dilemma: they cannot crack down on traffickers without inadvertently giving corrupt enforcers (police, judges, etc.) additional leverage to extract bribes. A formal model of bribe negotiation illustrates the cartel's choice: simply pay the larger bribe, or use the threat of violence to intimidate enforcers and reduce the equilibrium bribe demand. The central finding is that blanket crackdowns in a context of widespread corruption can increase cartels' incentives to fight back, whereas more focused crackdowns that hinge on cartel behavior induce non-violent strategies. Conditionality of repression--the degree to which repressive force is applied in proportion to the amount of violence used by cartels--is thus a critical factor behind the divergent response of cartels to crackdowns across cases. A move toward conditional crackdowns occurred both in Colombia, after Escobar's demise and the fragmenting of the drug market, and in Rio de Janeiro, with its innovative p̀acification' strategy. In both cases, cartels have shifted away from confrontation and toward non-violent h̀iding' strategies. In Mexico, by contrast, the state has insisted on pursuing all cartels without distinction, leading to sharp increases in cartel-state violence. Other, less central logics help explain contrasting modalities of cartel violence. 'Violent lobbying', in the form of narco-terrorism and direct negotiation with state leaders, is dramatic and chilling, but only makes strategic sense when there is an open policy question that cartels can realistically hope to influence. Moreover, if the benefits of policy change are 'public' or non-excludable, violent lobbying is subject to the free-rider problem, and only likely to occur if cartels can cooperate. Thus violent lobbying has been intense in Colombia, where cartels were initially united and extradition remained an open policy question for a decade; occasional in Brazil where a dominant cartel uses it to influence carceral policy, and relatively rare in Mexico, where cartels are fragmented and the president's high-profile òwnership' of his crackdown creates overwhelming audience costs to policy change. Inter-cartel turf war is far more intense in Mexico than elsewhere, driving logics of reputation-building and false-flag attacks, and contributing to the prominence of p̀ropagandistic' violence like mutilation and ǹarco-messages'. These turf-war dynamics are reinforced by the government's kingpin strategy and its splintering of the cartels. Moreover, fragmentation has a general-equilibrium effect on the maximum pressure the state can apply to any one cartel, given its unconditional approach. This further reduces the sanction cartels face for using violence, and drives the escalatory spiral presently gripping Mexico. The study concludes by asking why leaders do or do not adopt conditional strategies. Even when leaders would like to do so, they face both 'logistical constraints' arising from low capacity and fragmented security institutions, and 'acceptability constraints' deriving from the negative optics of g̀oing easy' on less violent cartels (a necessary component of conditional repression). Case evidence helps identify political circumstances that minimize these constraints. Coalitions or partisan hegemony can mitigate institutional fragmentation, while the 'Nixon-Goes-to-China' effect allows leaders perceived as hardliners to overcome acceptability constraints, particularly if they present conditionality as a tactical, operational imperative.

The Logic of Political Violence

A political and social revolution is needed in the United States to destroy a system of governing that has proven itself unable to provide for the needs of its people.

The Logic of Political Violence

Within Westernized societies, particularly the United States, there has been a near-universal acceptance that nonviolent action has been the foundation on which the progress and/or success of political and social justice movements have been built. Yet, contrary to popular belief, political violence has played a crucial role in advancing historic justice struggles. This breakthrough study examines the historic roles that both nonviolence and political violence have played in international social and political movements. The profound and well-researched conclusions presented advocate the necessity of political and social revolution in the United States--using any means necessary. This is an excellent resource for those contemplating political and social change and for anyone involved in political and social movements, especially those wondering why single-issue pursuits rarely, if ever, are successful. Challenging the predominant societal norms on the political and social change process in the United States, this is an important contribution to the struggle that may very well become the new American revolution.

Modern Greece

Written by one of the most brilliant political scientists in the academy, Modern Greece is the go-to resource for understanding both the current crisis and the historical events that brought the country to where it is today.

Modern Greece

Just a few years ago, Greece appeared to be a politically secure nation with a healthy economy. Today, Greece can be found at the center of the economic maelstrom in Europe. Beginning in late 2008, the Greek economy entered a nosedive that would transform it into the European country with the most serious and intractable fiscal problems. Both the deficit and the unemployment rate skyrocketed. Quickly thereafter, Greece edged toward a pre-revolutionary condition, as massive anti-austerity protests punctuated by violence and vandalism spread throughout Greek cities. Greece was certainly not the only country hit hard by the recession, but nevertheless the entire world turned its focus toward it for a simple reason: the possibility of a Greek exit from the European Monetary Union, and its potential to unravel the entire Union, with other weaker members heading for the exits as well. The fate of Greece is inextricably tied up with the global politics surrounding austerity as well. Is austerity rough but necessary medicine, or is it an intellectually bankrupt approach to fiscal policy that causes ruin? Through it all, Greece has staggered from crisis to crisis, and the European central bank's periodic attempts to prop up its economy fall short in the face of popular recalcitrance and negative economic growth. Though the catalysts for Greece's current economic crises can be found in the conditions and events of the past few years, one can only understand the factors that helped to transform these crises into a terrible political and social catastrophe by tracing Greece's development as an independent country over the past two centuries. In Greece: What Everyone Needs to Know, Stathis Kalyvas, an eminent scholar of conflict, Europe, and Greece, begins by elucidating the crisis's impact on contemporary Greek society. He then shifts his focus to modern Greek history, tracing the nation's development from the early nineteenth century to the present. Key episodes include the independence movement of the early nineteenth century, the aftermath of World War I (in which Turkey and Greece engaged in a massive mutual ethnic cleansing), the German occupation of World War II, the brutal civil war that followed, the postwar conflict with Turkey over Cyprus, the military coup of 1967, and-finally-democracy and entry into the European Union. The final part of the book will cover the recent crisis in detail. Written by one of the most brilliant political scientists in the academy, Greece is the go-to resource for understanding both the present turmoil and the deeper past that has brought the country to where it is now.

Votes Drugs and Violence

In Votes, Drugs, and Violence, Guillermo Trejo and Sandra Ley develop a political theory of criminal violence in weak democracies that elucidates how democratic politics and the fragmentation of power fundamentally shape cartels' incentives ...

Votes  Drugs  and Violence

One of the most surprising developments in Mexico's transition to democracy is the outbreak of criminal wars and large-scale criminal violence. Why did Mexican drug cartels go to war as the country transitioned away from one-party rule? And why have criminal wars proliferated as democracy has consolidated and elections have become more competitive subnationally? In Votes, Drugs, and Violence, Guillermo Trejo and Sandra Ley develop a political theory of criminal violence in weak democracies that elucidates how democratic politics and the fragmentation of power fundamentally shape cartels' incentives for war and peace. Drawing on in-depth case studies and statistical analysis spanning more than two decades and multiple levels of government, Trejo and Ley show that electoral competition and partisan conflict were key drivers of the outbreak of Mexico's crime wars, the intensification of violence, and the expansion of war and violence to the spheres of local politics and civil society.

The Accountability of Armed Groups under Human Rights Law

See also Kalyvas, Logic of Violence (n 68) 384: 'Counter to Hobbes, civil war cannot be reduced to a mere mechanism that opens up the floodgates to random and anarchical private violence.' 7° Kalyvas, Logic of Violence (n 68) 70.

The Accountability of Armed Groups under Human Rights Law

Today the majority of the armed conflicts around the world are fought between States and armed groups, rather than between States. This changed conflict landscape creates an imperative to clarify the obligations of armed groups under international law. While it is generally accepted that armed groups are bound by international humanitarian law, the question of whether they are also bound by human rights law is controversial. This book brings significant new understanding to the question of whether and when armed groups might be bound by human rights law. Its conclusions will benefit international law academics, legal practitioners, and political scientists and anthropologists working on issues related to rebel governance and civil wars. This book addresses the debate on this topic by employing a theoretical, historical, and comparative analysis that spans international humanitarian law, international criminal law, and international human rights law. Embedding these different perspectives in public international law, this book brings several key points of clarification to the legal framework. Firstly, the book draws upon social science literature on armed conflict to present a new viewpoint on the role that human rights law plays vis-à-vis international humanitarian law in non-international armed conflicts. Secondly, the book sheds light on the circumstances in which armed groups acquire obligations under human rights law. It brings illumination to these topics by combining historical and comparative research on belligerency, insurgency, and international humanitarian law with a theoretical analysis of legal personality under international law. In the final part of the book, the author tests the four most utilised theories of how armed groups are bound by human rights law, examining whether armed groups can be bound by virtue of (i) treaty law (ii) control of territory (iii) international criminal law and (iv) customary international law. In the book's conclusions, the author presents final remarks that are designed to provide concrete guidance on how the issue of armed groups and human rights law can be dealt with more thoroughly in practice.

Violence as a Generative Force

See, for example, Kalyvas, The Logic of Violence in Civil War, 26, who argues that “violence is intended to shape the behavior of the targeted audience by altering the expected value of particular attitudes. Put otherwise, violence ...

Violence as a Generative Force

During two terrifying days and nights in early September 1941, the lives of nearly two thousand men, women, and children were taken savagely by their neighbors in Kulen Vakuf, a small rural community straddling today’s border between northwest Bosnia and Croatia. This frenzy—in which victims were butchered with farm tools, drowned in rivers, and thrown into deep vertical caves—was the culmination of a chain of local massacres that began earlier in the summer. In Violence as a Generative Force, Max Bergholz tells the story of the sudden and perplexing descent of this once peaceful multiethnic community into extreme violence. This deeply researched microhistory provides provocative insights to questions of global significance: What causes intercommunal violence? How does such violence between neighbors affect their identities and relations? Contrary to a widely held view that sees nationalism leading to violence, Bergholz reveals how the upheavals wrought by local killing actually created dramatically new perceptions of ethnicity—of oneself, supposed "brothers," and those perceived as "others." As a consequence, the violence forged new communities, new forms and configurations of power, and new practices of nationalism. The history of this community was marked by an unexpected explosion of locally executed violence by the few, which functioned as a generative force in transforming the identities, relations, and lives of the many. The story of this largely unknown Balkan community in 1941 provides a powerful means through which to rethink fundamental assumptions about the interrelationships among ethnicity, nationalism, and violence, both during World War II and more broadly throughout the world.