Trust in the Capacities of the People Distrust in Elites

This book is a critical, comparative, and global approach to the study of democratization and the participants who bring the processes and actual struggles alive.

Trust in the Capacities of the People  Distrust in Elites

Democratization is conceived as an unending struggle by the poor majority against the small elite of wealth, status, and power. This book is a critical, comparative, and global approach to the study of democratization and the participants who bring the processes and actual struggles alive.

Trust in the Capacities of the People Distrust in Elites

The beneficiaries of her government's privatization program, for instance, and the 'deliberately low prices at which long-standing public assets were marketed to the private sector' resulted, according to Judt, in a net transfer of 14 ...

Trust in the Capacities of the People  Distrust in Elites

Democratization is conceived as an unending struggle by the poor majority against the small elite of wealth, status, and power. This book is a critical, comparative, and global approach to the study of democratization and the participants who bring the processes and actual struggles alive.

The Struggle of Democratisation against Authoritarianism in Contemporary Africa

Trust in the Capacities of the People, Distrust in Elites. Lanham: Lexington BooNs, 2014. 2. 'CubaГs Defence of Angola against Pretoria and Washington: Big Successes and Great CostsГ, Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no.

The Struggle of Democratisation against Authoritarianism in Contemporary Africa

This book discusses how the historical dimensions in Kenya, Zimbabwe and South Africa are similar: dominated by oppressive settler colonialism and authoritarian independent governments, their ruling elites characterised by greed and corruption. Zimbabwe is outstandingly oppressive, plagued from the start by planned, regularised, ferocious, and unparalleled violence, as described in one chapter. Perpetrated by ZANU-PF and President Robert Mugabe, it targeted the organised urban poor. Hope arose when the trade unions created the MDC in Harare in 1999. A chapter on South Africa is also included and outlines how a small ANC elite chose external armed struggle around 1960. Their campaign marooned thousands of young people in Angolan camps, for no military gains, and the neglect of domestic political development. A new and independent formation, the United Democratic Front, from 1983, tried to build a popular, non-racial participatory democracy. However, an intolerant ANC was determined on its supremacy, and Nelson Mandela suppressed the Front in 1991. No similar democratic aspiration has subsequently appeared. Another country examined in this text is Tunisia, which, since 2010, has been totally different: utilising an organised civil society, a democratic Islamist party, and wide readiness to compromise, an open politics is being created against big odds.

Management Education

Trust in the Capacities of the People, Distrust in Elites. Lanham: Lexington Books. Arthur, C.J. 1983. Hegel's Master/Slave Dialectic and a Myth of Marxology. New Left Review, no. 142, November–December 1983, pp. 67–75.

Management Education

Written in the tradition of the Frankfurt School of critical theory, this book develops a practical theory designed to humanise management education. Inevitably encountering deeply authoritarian business schools, the author sets the rigidity of curriculum against a student-centred approach found in Honneth’s concept of recognition and the Habermasian concept of communicative action. Management Education outlines measures for preventing Managerialism from colonising learning spaces that would prevent the practice of emancipatory learning from flourishing. The aim of the book is to allow students and teachers of business schools to create learning inside an education system based on humanity.

Trust Distrust and Mistrust in Multinational Democracies

risk is lower, trust is created more easily. In this way, “the threat of sanctions to protect each, make all better off” (Hardin 1996: 32). Second, this obligation to reach consensus in consociational federations results in party elites ...

Trust  Distrust  and Mistrust in Multinational Democracies

The importance of research on the notion of trust has grown considerably in the social sciences over the last three decades. Much has been said about the decline of political trust in democracies and intense debates have occurred about the nature and complexity of the relationship between trust and democracy. Political trust is usually understood as trust in political institutions (including trust in political actors that inhabit the institutions), trust between citizens, and to a lesser extent, trust between groups. However, the literature on trust has given no special attention to the issue of trust between minority and majority nations in multinational democracies – countries that are not only multicultural but also constitutional associations containing two or more nations or peoples whose members claim to be self-governing and have the right of self-determination. This volume, part of the work of the Groupe de recherche sur les sociétés plurinationales (GRSP), is a comparative study of trust, distrust, and mistrust in multinational democracies, centring on Canada, Belgium, Spain, and the United Kingdom. Beliefs, attitudes, practices, and relations of trust, distrust, and mistrust are studied as situated, interacting, and coexisting phenomena that change over time and space. Contributors include Dario Castiglione (Exeter), Jérôme Couture (INRS-UCS), Kris Deschouwer (Vrije Universiteit Brussel), Jean Leclair (Montréal), Patti Tamara Lenard (Ottawa), Niels Morsink (Antwerp), Geneviève Nootens (Chicoutimi), Darren O’Toole (Ottawa), Alexandre Pelletier (Toronto), Réjean Pelletier (Laval), Philip Resnick (UBC), David Robichaud (Ottawa), Peter Russell (Toronto), Richard Simeon (Toronto), Dave Sinardet (Vrije Universiteit Brussel), and Jeremy Webber (Victoria).

Meet the Oligarchs

This is particularly strong for our treatment decreasing trust in business elites, which causes an increase in desired taxes on the top 1% of 1.2 percentage points.

Meet the Oligarchs

We analyze the role of people s beliefs about the rich in the determination of public policy in the context of a randomized online survey experiment. A question we study is the desirability of government-private sector meetings, a variable we argue is connected to State capacity. Survey respondents primed with negative views about business leaders want fewer meetings as well as higher taxes for the top 1% and more regulation. We also study how these effects change when subjects are (additionally) primed with positive/negative views about government officials. Distrust in the government increases the preferred tax rate on the top 1% only when business legitimacy is low. A model with multiple equilibria helps interpret these findings. In one of the equilibria, meetings are allowed, business legitimacy is high, and people set a low income tax rate for businesspeople. In the other, meetings are forbidden, business legitimacy is low, and people set high taxes to punish the businesspeople for their corrupt behavior.

Power Politics and Paranoia

In other words, people's political trust or distrust stems from perceptions of the degree to which political agencies will empower or disempower them. Given our conception of power as the joint consequence ofpeople's capacities and ...

Power  Politics  and Paranoia

Why are people frequently suspicious of their political and corporate leaders? This book examines the psychological roots of political paranoia.

How People View Democracy

Getting rid of the old elites is easier than creating new ones. Most of the instability to come will derive from the search for new political leaders, and trust in democratic institutions will be shaped by the capacity of the ruling ...

How People View Democracy

A collection of essays, which cover topics from Arab opinion about democracy to the nostalgia for authoritarianism found in East Asia. It sheds light on the rise of populism in Latin America, and explains why postcommunist regimes in Europe have won broad public support

Trust in Divided Societies

Therefore, according to the AB 2018, in rural areas, the level of generalized trust (92% distrust) is lower than in urban areas (84% distrust) and in refugee camps (86% distrust). In Lebanon, 100 per cent of people who live in rural ...

Trust in Divided Societies

When countries try to navigate through the aftermath of conflict, trust is the main focus and the catalyst for rebuilding societies, nations, economies and democracies. Trust is vital, not only at an individual level, but also at a community level: trust is important to sustain peace and also works as a trigger to end conflicts. But why are some divided societies more prone to the collapse of social trust than others? This book uses empirical and case study research, including qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), statistical methods, observations and interviews, to compare which policies and institutions to build trust have a greater impact on divided societies in the Middle East. The book focuses on Lebanon, Palestine, and Syria, but analyses the results from these societies by also comparing other political and ethno-religiously divided societies beyond the MENA region. The book does not want to forward a universal 'theory' that gives us the origin of trust and how it is destroyed. Rather, it aims to provide a comprehensive explanation of generalised trust in divided societies and answer the question: under which institutions is generalised trust in a divided society maintained or destroyed, and how does this happen? Of key importance to Abdalhadi Alijla is to highlight the formal and informal institutions that inspire an elevated level of trust to help make societies less vulnerable to internal conflict, and also to give voice to the real people who live and experience divided societies.

Democratic Revolution in Ukraine

These levels of distrust persisted throughout Kuchma's second term. They indicated not just people's alienation from the ruling elite, but also the collapse in popular acceptance of government institutions. Lack of popular trust ...

Democratic Revolution in Ukraine

In 2000 a beheaded journalist was found in a remote forest near Kyiv. The corpse led to a scandal when it was revealed that it was that of a journalist critical of the authorities. The President was heard on tapes, made covertly in his office, ordering violence to be undertaken against the journalist. The scandal led to the creation of a wide protest movement that culminated in the victory of democratic opposition parties in 2002. The democratic opposition, led by its presidential candidate Viktor Yushchenko, fought a bitter and fraudulent election campaign in 2004 during which he was poisoned. Widespread election fraud led to Europe’s largest protest movement since the Cold War which became known as the Orange Revolution, known after the campaign colour of the democratic opposition. This book is the first to provide a collection of studies surveying different aspects of the rise of the Ukraine’s democratic opposition from marginalization, to protest against presidential abuse of office and culminating in the Orange Revolution. It integrates the Kuchmagate crisis of 2000-2001 with that of the Orange Revolution four years later providing a rich, detailed and original study of the origins of the Orange Revolution. This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics.

The Baltic Transformed

Top-down, authoritarian rule can sometimes mobilize public enthusiasm, but it rarely taps the deep strengths ... Trust undergirds the capacity for self-organized fitness. ... Some distrust, however, is to be expected in a democracy.

The Baltic Transformed

Why isn't the Baltic region like the Balkans? Why have the Baltic republics not experienced ethnic cleansing, border wars, authoritarian rule, and social chaos? Instead, peace, democracy, and market economies have taken root since the fall of communism. Walter C. Clemens, Jr. here uses complexity theory, which analyzes the role of self-organization in complex adaptive systems, to explain the "Baltic miracle." He argues that the theory is a vital tool for understanding the remarkable strides made by Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania since 1991 in coping with the transition to partnership with the new Europe. The Baltic peoples have adapted well to the demands of democracy, a market economy, and a constructive role in world affairs. The achievements of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania in the past decade are the more amazing when considered against the hundreds of years they were dominated by Teutonic knights, Hanseatic merchants, Sweden, Russia, and the USSR. Clemens uses this history as a springboard to analyze how Balts self-organize today to meet the challenges of transition. One of the first books to apply complexity theory to a major sphere of world politics, The Baltic Transformed will provoke constructive debate with its ambitious and well-grounded analysis of not only Baltic developments but European security more generally. Despite its theoretical foundation, the book is written in a clear and accessible style that will make it invaluable for courses on comparative politics, political development, international relations, security, or transition studies.

Authoritarian Populism and Liberal Democracy

... by most people, who have lost confidence in their capacity to sustain their way of life and pass it on to their children. ... Populists see this clearly; they exploit the distrust in elites to evoke powerful symbols of mass national ...

Authoritarian Populism and Liberal Democracy

This edited volume offers new insights into the populist wave that is affecting democratic politics in a large number of countries. The authoritarian populist turn that has developed in the US and various European countries in recent years both reflects and exacerbates the polarization of public opinion that increasingly characterizes democratic politics. The book seeks to explain how and why authoritarian populist opinion has developed and been mobilised in democratic countries. It also explores the implications of this growth in authoritarian, anti-immigrant sentiment for the operation of democratic politics in the future. It concludes that liberals may need to abandon their big-hearted internationalist instinct for open and unmanaged national borders and tacit indifference to illegal immigration. They should instead fashion a distinctively liberal position on immigration based on the socially progressive traditions of planning, public services, community cohesion and worker protection against exploitation. To do otherwise would be to provide the forces of illiberal authoritarianism with an opportunity to advance unparalleled since the 1930s and to destroy the extraordinary post-war achievements of the liberal democratic order.

Cultural warfare and trust

It co-opted the local elite into patron–client relations in the south and interfered in other ways, unlike in the north. Tarrow consequently argues that the difference between northern and southern Italy was 'a public culture shaped by ...

Cultural warfare and trust

Cultural warfare and trust: fighting the Mafia in Palermo concentrates on a central issue in research on democratic processes: the development of generalised trust. The existence of generalised trust and confidence in a society is decisive for economic development and an effective democracy. Is it possible to fight persistent values of distrust and non-cooperation? Is it possible to support the development of generalised trust through public action and education? The book addresses these questions by examining political efforts to combat Palermo’s Mafia-controlled heritage and to turn a tradition of non-cooperation and distrust into cooperation and trust. In particular, it focuses on the school program launched in Palermo during the mid-1990s, which was designed to break the Mafia’s territorial and mental control. Combining theories on social capital and civic education, the author presents and analyses new quantitative and qualitative research carried out in seven public schools in Palermo. This book will be valuable to students, academics and researchers interested in social capital and trust, Italian politics, civic education, organised crime, local government and democratic practice.

Policy Entrepreneurship in Education

It is generally assumed that this data and research, produced by the professional elites, has the public's confidence and trust and that it is accepted as fact. In this model, facts and values are separated, and the emphasis is on ...

Policy Entrepreneurship in Education

Policy Entrepreneurship in Education aims to build the confidence and skills of education academics in securing higher impact for their work. It offers guidance and identifies methods of capturing and measuring impact, as well as practical advice in helping academics engage policy makers and influence society with their research. Written specifically for the field of education, the book utilises domestic and international examples to illustrate those policy entrepreneurship activities which advance impact and appeal to international audiences, who are increasingly concerned with how higher education studies in education can make a difference on the ground. Combining theory and practice, the book employs a practical approach to doing policy entrepreneurship. It is a unique offering that will appeal to all who have an academic or practical interest in policy change and how to affect this.

Global Resurgence of the Right

All of them show problems as a result of deterioration in the hegemonic capacity of elites, criticism against leaders and lack ... Six out of ten people in the region do not trust their governments, compared to four out of ten for OECD ...

Global Resurgence of the Right

This book provides a broad-ranging analysis of the global resurgence of right-wing forces in the twenty-first century. These parties, organisations and social movements represent a break from right-wing forces in interwar political history in Europe and the United States, and the right-wing dictatorships in Latin America. The book reflects on the most appropriate conceptual categories to account for this phenomenon and whether terms such as populism, fascism, authoritarianism or conservatism can explain the new manifestations of the right. The book also explores this through a range of national case studies written by country specialists, focusing on Austria, Italy, Spain, Argentina, Brazil, Ecuador and the United States of America. Providing a much-needed global perspective, this book will be of considerable interest to students and scholars of populism, fascism, right-wing extremism and conservatism.

Changing France

Distrust is not assured, however. Three governments have been able to motivate and sustain trust in public opinion while they were in office: Michel Rocard (1988–91), Edouard Balladur (1993–95) and Lionel Jospin (1997–2002).

Changing France

How do European states adjust to international markets? Why do French governments of both left and right face a public confidence crisis? In this book, leading experts on France chart the dramatic changes that have taken place in its polity, economy and society since the 1980s and develop an analysis of social change relevant to all democracies.

Health Politics and Policy

Elite. Influences. on. Public. Opinion. Each of these heuristics creates points of leverage through which ... they intersect with Americans' prevailing distrust of government intervention into the content oftheir medical care.61 During ...

Health Politics and Policy

HEALTH POLITICS AND POLICY, 5th Edition walks you through the inner workings of health care policymaking, from the legislative process to socioeconomic impacts, and reveals both modern and historical perspectives in exciting detail. A collection of writings by some of today's sharpest political minds and policy-makers, the book explores factors that shape the U.S. health care system and policy, such as values, government, and private players, and compares them to other countries for international context. Helpful learning features throughout include review questions and problems, supporting tables and graphs, and special Consider This essays that bolster chapter concepts. In an environment of ever-changing policies and politics, the new edition seamlessly integrates themes of the past and present-day dilemmas with a look to the future of health care politics in America. Important Notice: Media content referenced within the product description or the product text may not be available in the ebook version.

The Sovereign People

The original cause is a fundamental and irrational distrust of the people , and an equally fundamental and still more irrational trust in the superior capacities , and also the disinterestedness , of a completely imaginary elite .

The Sovereign People


Young People and the Politics of Outrage and Hope

There was a distinct lack of trust in the capacity of their elders to provide honest and effective leadership in the face of the complex challenges. As 19 year-old Anna said: World leaders, if you could see yourselves now from the eyes ...

Young People and the Politics of Outrage and Hope

Young People and the Politics of Outrage and Hope explores how young people can make a life and a future in challenging neoliberal social conditions.

The Power of the Church

In the relatively new American Republic confidence grew in the abilities of ordinary people to think for themselves ... epitomized by the Jacksonian lionization of the “common man” and its consequent distrust of hierarchies and elites, ...

The Power of the Church

This volume is a collection of essays on the early creeds by John Nevin and Philip Schaff, the two principal representatives of the Mercersburg Theology that was birthed in nineteenth-century Pennsylvania. It also contains a critical response by John Proudfit, a more traditionally scholastic Calvinist. In these essays Nevin and Schaff argued that the early creeds provide an indispensable lens through which the Bible should be interpreted and an essential bond to preserve the unity of the church through the centuries. According to these Mercersburg theologians the liturgical and confessional use of the early creeds is crucial for shaping the identity of Christians and mediating the life of Christ to believers. Nevin and Schaff's enthusiasm for the creeds was a function of their understanding of Christianity as an evolving tradition, the Christian life as growth in Christ-likeness, the church as the nurturing body of Christ, and the sacraments as conduits of Christ's vivifying personhood. These convictions stood in sharp contrast to the a-creedal sensibilities of most nineteenth-century American Protestants who emphasized the sufficiency of Scripture alone, the church as a gathered community of like-minded individuals, dramatic conversion experiences, and the direct presence of Christ to the individual soul.