Why America Lost the War on Poverty and How to Win It

Why America Lost the War on Poverty - And How to Win It is sure to prompt much-needed debate on how to move forward. Frank Stricker is professor of history at California State University, Dominguez Hills.

Why America Lost the War on Poverty   and How to Win It

In a provocative assessment of American poverty and policy from 1950 to the present, Frank Strieker examines an era that has seen serious discussion about the causes of poverty and unemployment. Analyzing the War on Poverty, theories of the culture of poverty and the underclass, the effects of Reaganomics, and the 1996 welfare reform, Strieker dem-onstrates that most antipoverty approaches are futile without the presence (or creation) of good jobs. Strieker notes that since the 1970s, U.S. poverty levels have remained at or above 11 %, despite training programs and periods of economic growth. The creation of jobs has continued to lag behind the need for them. Strieker argues that a serious public debate is needed about the job situation; social programs must be redesigned, a national health care program must be developed, and eco-nomic inequality must be addressed. He urges all sides to be honest - if we don't want to eliminate poverty, then we should say so. But if we do want to reduce poverty significantly, he says, we must expand decent jobs and government income programs, redirecting national resources away from the rich and toward those with low incomes. Why America Lost the War on Poverty - And How to Win It is sure to prompt much-needed debate on how to move forward. Frank Stricker is professor of history at California State University, Dominguez Hills.

Why America Lost the War on Poverty And How to Win It

Why America Lost the War on Poverty--And How to Win It is sure to prompt much-needed debate on how to move forward.

Why America Lost the War on Poverty  And How to Win It

In a provocative assessment of American poverty and policy from 1950 to the present, Frank Stricker examines an era that has seen serious discussion about the causes of poverty and unemployment. Analyzing the War on Poverty, theories of the culture of poverty and the underclass, the effects of Reaganomics, and the 1996 welfare reform, Stricker demonstrates that most antipoverty approaches are futile without the presence (or creation) of good jobs. Stricker notes that since the 1970s, U.S. poverty levels have remained at or above 11%, despite training programs and periods of economic growth. The creation of jobs has continued to lag behind the need for them. Stricker argues that a serious public debate is needed about the job situation; social programs must be redesigned, a national health care program must be developed, and economic inequality must be addressed. He urges all sides to be honest--if we don't want to eliminate poverty, then we should say so. But if we do want to reduce poverty significantly, he says, we must expand decent jobs and government income programs, redirecting national resources away from the rich and toward those with low incomes. Why America Lost the War on Poverty--And How to Win It is sure to prompt much-needed debate on how to move forward.

Why America Lost the War on Poverty and How to Win It

Why America Lost the War on Poverty - And How to Win It is sure to prompt much-needed debate on how to move forward. Frank Stricker is professor of history at California State University, Dominguez Hills.

Why America Lost the War on Poverty   and How to Win It

In a provocative assessment of American poverty and policy from 1950 to the present, Frank Strieker examines an era that has seen serious discussion about the causes of poverty and unemployment. Analyzing the War on Poverty, theories of the culture of poverty and the underclass, the effects of Reaganomics, and the 1996 welfare reform, Strieker dem-onstrates that most antipoverty approaches are futile without the presence (or creation) of good jobs. Strieker notes that since the 1970s, U.S. poverty levels have remained at or above 11 %, despite training programs and periods of economic growth. The creation of jobs has continued to lag behind the need for them. Strieker argues that a serious public debate is needed about the job situation; social programs must be redesigned, a national health care program must be developed, and eco-nomic inequality must be addressed. He urges all sides to be honest - if we don't want to eliminate poverty, then we should say so. But if we do want to reduce poverty significantly, he says, we must expand decent jobs and government income programs, redirecting national resources away from the rich and toward those with low incomes. Why America Lost the War on Poverty - And How to Win It is sure to prompt much-needed debate on how to move forward. Frank Stricker is professor of history at California State University, Dominguez Hills.

Why America Lost the War on Poverty and How to Win It

Why America Lost the War on Poverty - And How to Win It is sure to prompt much-needed debate on how to move forward. Frank Stricker is professor of history at California State University, Dominguez Hills.

Why America Lost the War on Poverty   and How to Win It

In a provocative assessment of American poverty and policy from 1950 to the present, Frank Strieker examines an era that has seen serious discussion about the causes of poverty and unemployment. Analyzing the War on Poverty, theories of the culture of poverty and the underclass, the effects of Reaganomics, and the 1996 welfare reform, Strieker dem-onstrates that most antipoverty approaches are futile without the presence (or creation) of good jobs. Strieker notes that since the 1970s, U.S. poverty levels have remained at or above 11 %, despite training programs and periods of economic growth. The creation of jobs has continued to lag behind the need for them. Strieker argues that a serious public debate is needed about the job situation; social programs must be redesigned, a national health care program must be developed, and eco-nomic inequality must be addressed. He urges all sides to be honest - if we don't want to eliminate poverty, then we should say so. But if we do want to reduce poverty significantly, he says, we must expand decent jobs and government income programs, redirecting national resources away from the rich and toward those with low incomes. Why America Lost the War on Poverty - And How to Win It is sure to prompt much-needed debate on how to move forward. Frank Stricker is professor of history at California State University, Dominguez Hills.

Winning the War on Poverty Applying the Lessons of History to the Present

Here are some examples: William P. Quigley, Ending Poverty as We Know It: Guaranteeing a Right to a Job at a Living Wage (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 2003); Frank Stricker, Why America Lost the War on Poverty: And How to ...

Winning the War on Poverty  Applying the Lessons of History to the Present

Applying lessons from history to the reality of poverty today in the United States—the most affluent country in the world—this book analyzes contributing factors to poverty and proposes steps to relieve people affected by it. • Merges theory, real-life stories, and data analysis for a comprehensive view of poverty • Addresses poverty in the United States through an interdisciplinary approach • Offers proactive measures to reduce the U.S. poverty level • Emphasizes the value of learning from history to stop mistakes that can still be avoided

Sharecropping Ghetto Slum

See Frank Stricker, Why America Lost the War on Poverty—And How to Win It (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2007), 202–203. Also see De Parle, American Dream, 94. 10. See Stricker, Why America Lost the War on Poverty ...

Sharecropping  Ghetto  Slum

These insightful words stated during the 1930s by Reverend Richard Robert Wright Jr. spoke to a twentieth-century reality that white Americans held toward the nations black citizenry. African Americans of higher station resented being judged by the less-successful members of the race. After the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s, class distinctions between African Americans became increasingly significant. With the legal demise of racial discrimination, scores of ambitious blacks who embraced middle-class values took advantage of newly created opportunities to enter mainstream America. Ambitious African Americans who coveted a higher standard of living displayed a quest for higher education, presented evidence of a strong work ethic, and endorsed the concept of deferred gratification.

A People s War on Poverty

Why America Lost the War on Poverty—And How to Win It. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007. Tarrow, Sidney. Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998.

A People s War on Poverty

Phelps investigates the on-the-ground implementation of President Lyndon Johnson's War on Poverty during the 1960s and 1970s and argues that the fluid interaction between federal policies, urban politics, and grassroots activists created a significant site of conflict over the meaning of American democracy.

The War on Poverty

Historian Frank Stricker's Why America Lost the War on Poverty and How to Win It recapitulated the main criticisms of the War on Poverty made during the 1960s, slamming the program for its failure to create significant numbers of public ...

The War on Poverty

Lyndon Johnson's War on Poverty has long been portrayed as the most potent symbol of all that is wrong with big government. Conservatives deride the War on Poverty for corruption and the creation of "poverty pimps," and even liberals carefully distance themselves from it. Examining the long War on Poverty from the 1960s onward, this book makes a controversial argument that the programs were in many ways a success, reducing poverty rates and weaving a social safety net that has proven as enduring as programs that came out of the New Deal. The War on Poverty also transformed American politics from the grass roots up, mobilizing poor people across the nation. Blacks in crumbling cities, rural whites in Appalachia, Cherokees in Oklahoma, Puerto Ricans in the Bronx, migrant Mexican farmworkers, and Chinese immigrants from New York to California built social programs based on Johnson's vision of a greater, more just society. Contributors to this volume chronicle these vibrant and largely unknown histories while not shying away from the flaws and failings of the movement--including inadequate funding, co-optation by local political elites, and blindness to the reality that mothers and their children made up most of the poor. In the twenty-first century, when one in seven Americans receives food stamps and community health centers are the largest primary care system in the nation, the War on Poverty is as relevant as ever. This book helps us to understand the turbulent era out of which it emerged and why it remains so controversial to this day.

The Great Society and the War on Poverty An Economic Legacy in Essays and Documents

Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=3110 (accessed September 20, 2016). Stricker, Frank. 2007. Why America Lost the War on Poverty—And How to Win It. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

The Great Society and the War on Poverty  An Economic Legacy in Essays and Documents

An ideal resource for students as well as general readers, this book comprehensively examines the Great Society era and identifies the effects of its legacy to the present day. • Documents the evolution of key issues addressed in the Great Society—such as civil rights, immigration, and the chasm between rich and poor—that are still challenging us today • Shows how young people were able to influence massive political and social change—in a time without the benefit of instant communication and social media • Includes dozens of primary documents, including Lyndon B. Johnson's 1964 State of the Union Address; the Civil Rights Act of 1964; Lyndon B. Johnson's "Stepping Up the War on Poverty" address; "Where Do We Go From Here?," delivered by Martin Luther King Jr. at the SCLC Convention Atlanta, GA; and remarks given by President Obama at the Civil Rights Summit at the LBJ Presidential Library in April 2014 • Includes content related to the themes of the National Curriculum Standards for Social Studies and the Common Core requirements for primary documents and critical thinking exercises

The Peace Corps in South America

Volunteers and the Global War on Poverty in the 1960s Fernando Purcell. to domestic nation building. ... 46Frank Stricker, Why America Lost the War on Poverty and How to Win It (Chapel Hill: North Carolina Press, 2007), 37–41.

The Peace Corps in South America

In the 1960s, twenty-thousand young Americans landed in South America to serve as Peace Corps volunteers. The program was hailed by President John F. Kennedy and by volunteers themselves as an exceptional initiative to end global poverty. In practice, it was another front for fighting the Cold War and promoting American interests in the Global South. This book examines how this ideological project played out on the ground as volunteers encountered a range of local actors and agencies engaged in anti-poverty efforts of their own. As they negotiated the complexities of community intervention, these volunteers faced conflicts and frustrations, struggled to adapt, and gradually transformed the Peace Corps of the 1960s into a truly global, decentralized institution. Drawing on letters, diaries, reports, and newsletters created by volunteers themselves, Fernando Purcell shows how their experiences offer an invaluable perspective on local manifestations of the global Cold War.

Poverty and Power

For a particularly illuminating history of the war on poverty from the Kennedy-Johnson years into the Bush II administration, see Frank Stricker, Why America Lost the War on Poverty—And How to Win It (Chapel Hill: University of North ...

Poverty and Power

Poverty and Power asserts that American poverty is a structural problem resulting from failings in our social system rather than individual failings of the poor. Contrary to the popular belief that poverty results from individual deficiencies—that poor people lack intelligence, determination, or skills—author Edward Royce introduces students to the very real structural issues that stack the balance of power in the United States. The book introduces four systems that contribute to inequality in the U.S.—economic, political, cultural, and structural—then discusses ten institutional problems that make life difficult for the poor and contribute to the persistence of poverty. Throughout the book, the author compares individualistic and structural approaches to poverty to assess strengths and limitations of each view. The second edition of this provocative book has been revised throughout with new statistical information, as well as analysis of the recent recession, the Obama presidency, increasing political polarization, the rise of the Tea Party and appearance of the Occupy Movement, new anti-poverty movements, and more.

Empathy as Dialogue in Theatre and Performance

57 Frank Stricker, Why America Lost the War on Poverty and How to Win It (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), 46. 58 Ibid. 59qtd. in Michael L. Gillette, Launching the War on Poverty: An Oral History (Oxford: ...

Empathy as Dialogue in Theatre and Performance

Empathy has provoked equal measures of excitement and controversy in recent years. For some, empathy is crucial to understanding others, helping us bridge social and cultural differences. For others, empathy is nothing but a misguided assumption of access to the minds of others. In this book, Cummings argues that empathy comes in many forms, some helpful to understanding others and some detrimental. Tracing empathy’s genealogy through aesthetic theory, philosophy, psychology, and performance theory, Cummings illustrates how theatre artists and scholars have often overlooked the dynamic potential of empathy by focusing on its more “monologic” forms, in which spectators either project their point of view onto characters or passively identify with them. This book therefore explores how empathy is most effective when it functions as a dialogue, along with how theatre and performance can utilise the live, emergent exchange between bodies in space to encourage more dynamic, dialogic encounters between performers and audience.

American Unemployment

Written for non-economists, American Unemployment is a history and primer on vital economic topics that also provides a roadmap to better jobs and economic security.

American Unemployment

The history of unemployment and concepts surrounding it remain a mystery to many Americans. This introduction takes an aim at misinformation, willful deceptions, and popular myths to set the record straight, providing a roadmap to better jobs and economic security.

To Have or Have Not

Why America Lost the War on Poverty—And How to Win It. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2007. Tropman, John E.. Does America Hate the Poor?: The Other American Dilemma: Lessonsfor the 21st Century from the 1960s and ...

To Have or Have Not

In a rapidly changing world, the ways in which economic forces affect both personal and global change can be difficult to track, particularly in the arts. This collection of twenty new essays explores both obscure and famous plays dealing with economic issues. Beginning with the Industrial Revolution, the text moves from Marx’s theories to Wall Street speculation, nineteenth century immigration issues, the excesses of the Gilded Age and the 1920s, the Great Depression, World War II and millennial economic challenges.

What s Wrong with the Poor

Charles Valentine, “The 'Culture of Poverty': Its Scientific Significance and Its Implications for Action,” in Culture of Poverty, ed. Leacock, 218. See also Frank Stricker, Why America Lost the War on Poverty and How to Win It (Chapel ...

What s Wrong with the Poor

In the 1960s, policymakers and mental health experts joined forces to participate in President Lyndon Johnson's War on Poverty. In her insightful interdisciplinary history, physician and historian Mical Raz examines the interplay between psychiatric theory and social policy throughout that decade, ending with President Richard Nixon's 1971 veto of a bill that would have provided universal day care. She shows that this cooperation between mental health professionals and policymakers was based on an understanding of what poor men, women, and children lacked. This perception was rooted in psychiatric theories of deprivation focused on two overlapping sections of American society: the poor had less, and African Americans, disproportionately represented among America's poor, were seen as having practically nothing. Raz analyzes the political and cultural context that led child mental health experts, educators, and policymakers to embrace this deprivation-based theory and its translation into liberal social policy. Deprivation theory, she shows, continues to haunt social policy today, profoundly shaping how both health professionals and educators view children from low-income and culturally and linguistically diverse homes.

Class Dismissed

Michael L. Gillette, Launching the War on Poverty: An Oral History (New York: Twayne, 1996), xv. Frank Stricker, Why America Lost the War on Poverty—and How to Win It (Chapel Hill: University ofNorth Carolina Press, 2007), 138.

Class Dismissed

In Class Dismissed, John Marsh debunks a myth cherished by journalists, politicians, and economists: that growing poverty and inequality in the United States can be solved through education. Using sophisticated analysis combined with personal experience in the classroom, Marsh not only shows that education has little impact on poverty and inequality, but that our mistaken beliefs actively shape the way we structure our schools and what we teach in them. Rather than focus attention on the hierarchy of jobs and power--where most jobs require relatively little education, and the poor enjoy very little political power--money is funneled into educational endeavors that ultimately do nothing to challenge established social structures, and in fact reinforce them. And when educational programs prove ineffective at reducing inequality, the ones whom these programs were intended to help end up blaming themselves. Marsh's struggle to grasp the connection between education, poverty, and inequality is both powerful and poignant.

Inventing the Modern American Family

10 Frank Strieker, Why America Lost the War on Poverty—and How to Win It (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2007); Robert Bauman, Race & the War on Poverty: From Watts to East L.A. (Norman: University of Oklahoma ...

Inventing the Modern American Family

Family is the foundation of society, and debates on family norms have always touched the very heart of America. This volume investigates the negotiations and transformations of family values and gender norms in the twentieth century as they relate to the overarching processes of social change of that period. By combining long-term approaches with innovative analysis,Inventing the “Modern American Family” transcends not only the classical dichotomies between women's studies and masculinity studies, but also contribute substantially to the history of gender and culture in the United States.

Democracy Without Decency

Good Citizenship and the War on Poverty William M. Epstein. Shaviro, D. 2001. ... Why America Lost the War on Poverty—and How to Win It. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Sundquist, J. L. 1969a. ''Co-Ordinating the War on ...

Democracy Without Decency

"An analysis of social and economic policies in the United States, with emphasis on the 1960s War on Poverty"--Provided by publisher.

Communities Left Behind

Jacqueline Jones, “The History and Politics of Poverty in Twentieth-Century America,” in Harvard Sitkoff, ed., ... Why America Lost the War on Poverty—And How to Win It (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007). 5.

Communities Left Behind

"Throughout this terrific book, Wilson places this government agency-its creation, its lifespan and achievements, and its mixed legacies-in the broader context of postwar American history and, more specifically, the history of employment policy." --Jason Scott Smith, author of Building New Deal Liberalism: The Political Economy of Public Works, 1933-1956 With clarity and insight, Gregory S. Wilson recounts the story of the Area Redevelopment Administration and connects a nearly forgotten piece of American employment history to national and transnational developments in the making of social policy in the years between the New Deal and the Great Society. Communities Left Behind demonstrates how the United States has, since the Great Depression, tried but failed to address the nation's structural inequalities, and it reopens discussions about poverty and economic dislocation in a period when the country is facing new economic challenges. The ARA was created in 1961 and remained in operation until 1965. Its goal was to assist communities, especially economically distressed ones in rural or undeveloped areas of the country, in generating employment opportunities. Unstated in the creation of the ARA was its intention to serve as an economic development project mostly for Appalachia and the American South, where nearly all of its money was spent. Wilson argues that the ARA was doomed to fail from the beginning because of the requirement that federal officials not interfere with state and local priorities. It simply was not possible to implement a federal initiative in the South without running afoul of local interests. And, to further complicate matters, the issue of race loomed in the background: when ARA policies aimed to improve employment opportunities for black southerners, they were invariably sabotaged by racist politics. This ambivalent legacy of the ARA is alive today, Wilson suggests, as areas of the nation that have struggled economically since the agency's original creation-including inner cities, Native American reservations, Appalachia, and the rural South-continue to founder. Gregory S. Wilson is associate professor of history at the University of Akron and coeditor of the Northeast Ohio Journal of History.

American Unemployment

For background, see Frank Stricker, Why America Lost the War on Poverty—And How to Win It (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), 9–31, esp. 21. 13. Defense expenditures jumped from $13.2 billion (1949) to $52.8 billion ...

American Unemployment

The history of unemployment and many concepts surrounding it remain a mystery to many Americans. Frank Stricker believes we need to understand this essential thread in our shared past. American Unemployment is an introduction for everyone that takes aim at misinformation, willful deceptions, and popular myths to set the record straight: Workers do not normally choose to be unemployed. In our current system, persistent unemployment is not an aberration. It is much more common than full employment, and the outcome of elite policy choices. Labor surpluses propped up by flawed unemployment numbers have helped to keep real wages stagnant for more than forty years. Prior to the New Deal and the era of big government, laissez-faire policies repeatedly led to depressions with heavy, even catastrophic, job losses. Undercounting the unemployed sabotages the creation of government job programs that can lead to more high-paying jobs and full employment. Written for non-economists, American Unemployment is a history and primer on vital economic topics that also provides a roadmap to better jobs and economic security.